Two empty debate podiums facing each other while tangles in the folds of an American flag, symbolizing the absence of critical conversations about economic democracy during the debate.
Image Credit: ismagilov on iStock

For nearly 90 minutes during September’s presidential debate, Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump sparred on several issues. Yet, while the economy received some attention, there was a near-total lack of questions or discussion about unions or economic democracy. Nor did these themes feature prominently in the media conversations that followed the debates.

Among the questions that we at Jobs with Justice thought should be asked were the following:

  • What is your view of the role of labor unions?
  • When appointing Supreme Court justices will you commit to giving serious consideration to potential nominees’ records on issues of importance to workers?
  • What would you say to governors who oppose unions?
  • What if anything would you do to strengthen economic democracy?

[At the presidential debate], while the economy received some attention, there was a near-total lack of questions or discussion about unions or economic democracy.

The lack of these questions was not surprising but says a lot about what counts—and does not count—as an item worthy of public discussion. It reminds observers of the relative invisibility of labor and economic democracy—even in the context of a revived labor movement and record worker co-op growth—in mainstream media.

Reviewing the Debate: A Narrow Definition of “Economy”

When ABC News moderators David Muir and Linsey Davis quizzed Harris and Trump on the economy, they began with the age-old question asked every four years: “Are people economically better off now than they were four years ago?” The broad framing of the question could have led to a critical discussion that went far beyond the standard economic talking points, delving into economic democracy, unions, and threats to workers’ fundamental freedoms to organize.

But then the candidates responded with vague statements. The conversation about the economy ended there, leaving plenty of unanswered questions and only speculation about the candidates’ positions on the issues.

Some of the data, although obscured sometimes by partisan bickering, are clear. Americans are, on average, better off financially than they were four years ago. Median income in the United States is higher—an impressive feat given the pandemic-related inflation at the beginning of President Joe Biden’s term in office and the long stagnation of median wages during the neoliberal decades from the end of the 1970s through the 2010s. Yet, despite the wage growth, people in the United States largely view the economy poorly, with less than one-quarter of poll respondents saying it is excellent or good.

Why is there such a disparity between standard economic indicators and how people think the economy is doing?

One possible reason: the lack of security, voice, or democracy in our economic lives makes people feel precarious, even if their current financial situation is relatively decent.

Yes, wages are up, but that means little when employers can fire most workers from their jobs for any reason (or no reason at all). The vast majority of US workers still lack the freedom to bargain with employers over the basics like wages and benefits and have to rely on their bosses’ largesse or the vagaries of the labor market to have their wages keep up with or exceed inflation.

Even as trust in many major institutions is declining, public support for unions is at its highest point in decades.

Sadly, neither Muir nor Davis asked Harris and Trump to delve into why workers felt economic distress, even in the context of what is, at least by standard indicators such as wages and unemployment, a relatively strong economy.

What Was Said about Unions at the Debate

While unions were largely absent from the debate, they did garner brief mentions from both candidates. Trump mentioned unions, but only as part of his efforts to further demonize and harm immigrant populations; he claimed that immigrants are “taking jobs that are occupied right now by African Americans and Hispanics and also unions. Unions are going to be affected very soon.”

Harris spent slightly more time discussing the power of unions, touting the Biden-Harris record on creating manufacturing jobs. She proclaimed that she was “proud to have the endorsement of the United Auto Workers and Shawn Fain, who also know that part of building a clean energy economy includes investing in American-made products, American automobiles.”

That was it. So much more was left unsaid.

This omission is significant because unions play a critical role in helping build and sustain the middle class, and the right to be a union member is a core democratic freedom. The public increasingly understands this.

Even as trust in many major institutions is declining, public support for unions is at its highest point in decades. In addition, when facing a vote to recognize a union at their workplace, workers are voting in favor of unions at levels not seen in more than 15 years.

A Missed Opportunity

Why did Trump largely avoid the topic of unions and economic democracy? It might be because his record as president largely put the interests of bosses and big business ahead of workers. Trump named anti-worker appointees to the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which oversees the law protecting working people’s freedom to form unions. By contrast, under Biden, the NLRB has primarily supported workers.

Trump’s NLRB appointees put billionaire CEOs first during his presidency in many ways—stripping union representation rights for everyone from Uber drivers to McDonald’s employees, graduate students, and theater makeup artists.

To make matters worse, Trump’s Supreme Court appointees have taken direct aim at workers and unions, making such extreme rulings that companies controlled by billionaires like Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk are now arguing that the entire system for protecting working people’s right to organize is unconstitutional.

The nation needs to have a deeper conversation about what economic justice and economic democracy demand of us.

On the other hand, the Biden-Harris administration has proclaimed itself the most pro-union administration in history, so why not more discussion about unions from Vice President Harris? There were opportunities, like mentioning the newly minted Good Jobs Executive Order. This orders federal agencies to take steps toward building economic democracy, such as promoting worker voices through voluntary union recognition by companies, and community benefits agreements, which bind companies to act in the interest of the communities whose labor and spending creates their profits rather than acting solely for their shareholders. But Harris said nothing of it.

Promoting worker voice and agency should make good political sense. About 70 percent of the people have a favorable view of unions, near an all-time high—far more than will ever vote for either party in the foreseeable future. However, talking about economic democracy or even workers’ voices may be a bridge too far for a candidate who is already fighting off charges that she is a Marxist despite running a middle-of-the-road campaign.

The Need for Vision

It seems increasingly unlikely that Harris and Trump will debate again. Regardless, movements should organize to compel candidates to address economic democracy during the waning days of the 2024 campaign.

The nation needs a president who will build on the pro-union model, support worker co-ops, and implement bold experiments in economic democracy that involve government, industry, unions, and workers—which enable ordinary working people to have a greater say in how their places of employment operate.

Beyond the presidential election, the nation needs to have a deeper conversation about what economic justice and economic democracy demand of us. In other words, how does the nation build an economy that truly works for all?

Writing in NPQ earlier this year, Jobs With Justice’s executive director Erica Smiley argued thatinvesting in broad-reaching organizing efforts in the US South that emphasize the leadership and economic equality of Black workers against multinational corporations might just launch the nation’s most significant effort yet in the movement to build democracy” [emphasis in original].

Unions, economic democracy, and organizing matter. They matter in the workplace—and are vital to the health of US democratic institutions, too.