Using crowdsourcing techniques, the Awesome Foundation is generating micro-grants for awesome ideas—and it seems to be working.

Alaska is in the unique position of distributing a portion of the state’s oil wealth to its citizens through the Permanent Fund Dividend. Recipients can designate some or all of their dividends to charity through a program called Pick, Click, Give. It’s not big money to the nonprofits, but it counts as Alaskans’ commitment to the nonprofit sector.

Occupy Wall Street has already shifted the conversation toward the role of corporations and the super wealthy. Will it coalesce into a genuine populist movement? Rich Uncle Pennybags may provide a clue.

NPQ has frequently commented about states that have piled on or increased fees for nonprofits as a means of generating additional revenues, no matter how paltry. A movement to roll back state government fee charges has recently emerged—led by Tea Partyish types around the country who view escalating fees as the equivalent of rising taxes. Will the Tea Party become an unlikely ally for the nonprofit sector?

We all know how important advocacy and lobbying is to nonprofits right now. Public policy frames nearly everything we do. Understanding the parameters and regulations around the use of lobbying, however, is an important part of the practice. Here Judah Kupfer reiterates some of the issues to keep in mind as you go out to meet with a legislator or send a note to constituents about a dangerous piece of legislation. 

Does the Occupy Wall Street movement feel like the Tea Party movement? Are these social movements the new wave of political organizing and mobilization? What do they mean for the nonprofit sector? Are nonprofits going to be participants in these movements or will they be watching from the sidelines? Rick Cohen looks at the nascent “Occupy” movement and looks for parallels and differences between the Occupy Wall Street movement, the Tea Party, and the nonprofit sector.

With a high number of nonprofits and nonprofit training programs but a limited number of new jobs, Cleveland is considering ways to keep young nonprofit employees engaged until the economy strengthens.

When Facebook co-founder Mark Zuckerberg donated $100 million to fix the schools in Newark, New Jersey, it came with a promise of involving Newark residents in decisions about the use of the monies. Now that the foundation is up and running, the only Newarker on the board is Mayor Cory Booker, and other seats are going to people who are willing to donate $10 million or more. Giving citizens a voice is not how philanthropy works, according to the foundation’s exec.

After years of problems in the management of the Manual Arts High by the nonprofit L.A.’s Promise, the school district has finally taken back control and all but ousted the nonprofit from day-to-day operations. It took longer than it should have, because the schools were afraid of offending Promise’s top backer, whose philanthropic generosity the city covets as well.

The 501(c)(4)s, PACs, 527s, and others in the tax-exempt political campaign machines of Karl Rove on one side and the Koch brothers on the other are splintering. Apparently, when you’ve seen one big-money “independent” political organization on the right, it doesn’t mean that you’ve seen them all.

Hartford area nonprofits report that they are cautiously optimistic about the future despite the continuing economic recession and government budget cutbacks.  Their comments sound more resigned to an immutable reality than optimistic that conditions are that much on the upswing. 

Will the Republican presidential candidate be accused of palling around with hate groups?